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États-Unis

 

Voir aussi : États-Unis (56 affiches) – Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire
Voir aussi : États-Unis : histoire (26 affiches) – Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire
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    [Capitalism is a pyramid scheme]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    Capitalism is a pyramid scheme]. — [S.l.] : Crimethinc, . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (quadri ) ; 55 × 37 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : Anarchief (Gent)
    • Liste des thèmes  : capitalisme et anticapitalisme  ; économie (généralités)
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  :
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :
    Symbole(s) utilisé(s) :

    [ texte (recto /verso : au recto en forme de pyramide) ; dessin (pyramide sociale couronnée par le « $ »)]

    texte :

    Capitalism is a pyramid scheme

    The labor of those lower on the pyramid enriches the ones towards the top. To stay stable, the economy has to draw in more and more resources—colonizing new continents, workforces, and aspects of daily life. The resulting inequalities can only be maintained by ever-escalating force.

    We’re encouraged to compete against each other to improve our positions on an individual basis. But there’s not enough space at the top for all of us, no matter how hard we work—and no pyramid scheme can go on expanding forever. Sooner or later it’s bound to crash : global warming and recession are just the first warning signs. Instead of going down with the Pharaohs, let’s join forces to establish another way of life.

    [logo "hand"] crimethinc.com

    Further copies of this poster are available in packs of 25 for $4 via crimethinc.com ; you can obtain a larger version for $8. It’s designed to accompany Work, a 376-page decoder ring for this poster and the capitalist economy itself.
    CrimethInc. ex-Workers’ Collective
    PO Box 13998 [“cloud with rain”] Salem, OR 97309

    Capitalism Is a Pyramid Scheme

    The labor of those lower on the pyramid enriches the ones towards the top. To stay stable, the economy has to draw in more and more resources—colonizing new continents, workforces, and aspects of our lives. The resulting inequalities can only be maintained by ever-escalating force : armies occupy countries, police patrol neighborhoods, security cameras point at every cash register.

    Capitalists make money not only on what they do, but also from what they own. It takes money to make money, as they say. Business owners, landlords, and large shareholders are capitalists ; so are executives who receive salaries padded with money produced by other people’s efforts.

    Capitalists cash in on the activity of the exploited. The exploited can only make money from their own labor, so it’s easy for employers to pay them less than the value they produce. When banks and credit card companies make money off debtors, they’re exploiting them, the same as a corporation that pays an employee a dollar to make a $200 pair of shoes.

    Others are at the mercy of the economy but excluded from participating in it. The unemployed and the homeless are excluded, along with most of the occupants of shantytowns around the world. Prisoners are often both excluded and exploited, being forced to work at a pittance that amounts to slave labor. Being excluded is not the same as being outside the market—the dispossessed are poor precisely because they are inside capitalism.

    The economy reshapes the physical and social terrain in its own image : silicon valleys, motor cities, banana republics. It erases the distinction between natural and synthetic : a cornfield in Iowa is no more natural than the concrete wasteland of Newark, New Jersey. It transforms hurrah beings into workers, the same way it reduces forests to toilet paper and pigs to pork chops.

    Capitalism unifies the world into a single metropolis. Roses ticked on plantations in rural Ecuador are sold to Manhattan businessmen the same day ; a set by a DJ at a Barcelona nightclub is broadcast simultaneously in Johannesburg. News, fashions, and ideas are transmitted instantaneously around the globe ; every city is populated by tourists and refugees from every other city. People spend more time communicating across hundreds of miles than they do talking to their neighbors. Physical distance between people in different cities is giving way to social distance between people in the same city.

    National boundaries are increasingly obsolete as a framework for understanding economics. One can no longer distinguish the domestic economy from the global economy, if such a thing was ever possible. The majority of the wealth of many US corporations is comprised of their holdings overseas ; a single task may be outsourced from New York City to Mumbai ; an idea from Argentina generates profits in Finland. The world isn’t made up of distinct physical territories or political bodies ; it is a sea of interlocking relations that, like wind, water, and thermal currents, do not conform to imaginary boundaries.

    Today the borders that matter are not the horizontal ones between regions but the vertical ones dividing social strata, which are enforced everywhere at once rather than only at individual checkpoints. These divide the metropolis into different zones of privilege, determining access to resources and power. Such zones may meet anywhere—an undocumented immigrant cleans a congressman’s house for illegally low wages, guards brandish guns at the gate of an expensive hotel housing European businessmen right next to a shantytown in New Delhi.

    Who holds the ultimate power in this system ?

    Is it heads of state ? They seem to answer directly to the wealthy, protecting their interests at any expense. Is it the wealthiest ones, the magnates who own corporations and profit on countless shrewd investments ? They still have to scramble to maintain their positions as a thousand contenders struggle to replace them. How about the Federal Reserve, the bankers, the ones who administrate the system ? When something goes awry, they seem as powerless and distraught as everyone else. Is it a secret conspiracy of tycoons or Freemasons ? That sounds like lingering anti-Semitic rhetoric, implying that the problem is the power of a specific group rather than the dynamics of the system itself.

    Or is no one in control ? People speak about the economy the way they speak about God or Nature, even though it’s comprised of their own activities and the activities of people like them. It is a sort of Ouija board on which the self-interested actions of competing individuals add up to collective disempowerment. Has there ever been a dictator as tyrannical and destructive as the market ?

    Capital seems to be autonomous. It flows one way, then another, it concentrates itself in one nation, then disappears capriciously overseas. From an economist’s perspective, it is the subject of history, acting on us. Its movements seem unstoppable, inevitable. And yet capital as we know it is simply a collective hallucination imposed on the world ; ownership is only "real" because we make it so.

    The market rewards skill, brilliance, and daring—but only to the extent that they produce profit. The essential quality naturally selected for those at the top of the pyramid is that their make decisions on the basis of what concentrates the most power in their hands. They pass down all the costs of this accumulation of power that they can—not only to workers and consumers and victims of pollution, but also to their spouses and secretaries and housemaids—but they can’t avoid the fact that they have to make decisions based on economic constraints or else lose their positions.

    You could say capitalism puts power in the worst hands, but that misses the point. It’s not that the ones rewarded by the economy tend to be the worst people, but that—however selfish or generous they are—their positions are contingent on certain kinds of behavior. The moment an executive deprioritizes profit-making, he or his company is instantly replaced with a more ruthless contender. For example, in a world in which corporate decisions are governed by the necessity of producing good quarterly reports, CEOs are simply powerless to make decisions that place ecology over profit. They might promote ecological products or sustainable energy, but only as a marketing campaign or PR move. Genuinely ecocentric decision-making can only occur outside the market.

    So you don’t have to believe all executives are bad people to conclude that capitalism itself is a problem. On the contrary, it’s the defenders of the free market who have to make arguments based on human nature. To excuse the destructiveness of the economy, they have to argue that no other social system can motivate human beings and provide for their needs. Anthropologists already know that this is not true.

    Two centuries ago the vast majority of people were employed extracting resources directly from the earth : farming, fishing, and mining. The industrial revolution pushed much of this workforce into manufacturing. Today, more money is being made in manufacturing than ever, but thanks to technological progress it takes fewer and fewer employees to accomplish the same amount of production.

    In a sensible system, this would mean more leisure for all of us, but in capitalism it just saves employers money and makes it harder for the rest of us to get a job. In poorer areas, slums and shantytowns serve as holding pools for the unemployed, keeping them close enough to sweatshops to drive down wages. In wealthier zones, all this cheap labor ends up in the service industry, helping capitalists promote their products. Customer service is becoming more central to the economy than merchandise ; corporations don’t just sell things, but also attention, hospitality, empathy, assistance, interaction—everything that used to be a free part of social life. The service industry is the thin layer of living flesh stretched over the iron machinery of the economy, stoking the engines of desire that drive it.

    Meanwhile, in a "globalized" economy, capitalists can move jobs around the planet at will, sidestepping unionized or rebellious workforces and exploiting whoever is most desperate. All this combines to create a situation in which employment is increasingly temporary and precarious. Building up a good résumé becomes as important as saving money ; even baristas and dishwashers come to see themselves as entrepreneurs selling not only their labor but also themselves. Paradoxically, even as survival gets more difficult, more people come to identify with their roles within capitalism.

    Yet despite this, capitalism is entering a new era of crisis and uncertainty. Until a few decades ago, the labor movement at least forced capitalists to pay workers enough to buy the products of their labor. Now the old labor movement has been outflanked and all the peace treaties in the class war have expired ; this has enabled a handful of magnates to amass the greatest fortunes in history, but it is eroding the consumer base that supports the entire operation in the first place. It also gives the rest of us less and less reason to play along. We can expect a new wave of conflicts in which the future of capitalism itself will come back into question.

    We’re encouraged to compete against each other to improve our positions on an individual basis. But there’s not enough space at the top of the pyramid for all of us, no matter how hard we work—and no pyramid scheme can go on expanding forever. Sooner or later it’s bound to crash : recession and global warming are just the first warning signs. Instead of going down with the Pharaohs, let’s join forces to establish another way of life.

    [logo "balle/cartouche de fusil"] CrimethInc.

    sources :
     


    [Ganienkeh : we have a little territory left]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    Ganienkeh : we have a little territory left]. — [S.l.] : Akwesasne Notes, . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (deux  : bleu , brun , papier blanc ) ; 36 × 57 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : CIRA (Lausanne)
    • Liste des thèmes  : populations autochtones
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  :
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ texte ; photo (4 jeunes amérindien·ne·s) ]

    texte :

    Ganienkeh

    “We have a little territory left — just enough to live and die on. Don’t you think your governments ought to be ashamed to take that away from us by pretending it is part of theirs ?”
    — Deskaheh

    Ganienkeh is a new Mohawk settlement in the Adirondacks established May 13, 1974. It was begun as a rebirth of th Original Instructions of the Mohawk people, and a rebirth of Mohawk lands. Support for Ganienkeh ca be sent to Ganienkeh, PO Box 208, via Eagle Bay, New York 133331, or telephone (315) 357-6221. Additional copies of this poster can be obtained from Akwesasne Notes, Mohawk Nation, via Rooseveltown, N.Y.

    [|ogo]

    sources :
     


    [Get clear ! (ass)holism]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    Get clear ! (ass)holism]. — San Francisco ; Seattle : the Last International : Partisan, . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (une  : noir , papier de couleur ) ; 35 × 25 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : CIRA (Lausanne)
    • Liste des thèmes  : religion et spiritualité (en général)
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  : Black, Bob
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  : journal mural
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ texte (long texte ironique sur l’"Aquarian age", le "New age" et autres mysticismes) ; photos (portraits de : ayatollah Komeyni, révérend Sun Myung Moon, révérend Jim Jones, Jerry Brown, de Mickey et de ?) ]

    texte :

    Get clear !

    (ass)holism

    Aquarian/New Age transformations

    Creative death

    Recent studies suggest that consciousness is carcinogenic. After a survey of the ethics of entropy, the following topics receive terminal treatment : (1) Dying as a process of personal growth ; (2) Charnel knowledge ; (3) Thanatotherapy (with emphasis on Adolfing and "terminal scream" therapy) ; (4) Auto-necrophilia for the Me Generation. Mentor : Rev. Jim Jones, Posthumous Prof. of Thanatology.

    Wholistic wealth
    This course has helped hundreds of doctors, lawyers, and other parasites to feel okay about being obscenely rich. Material things are but Maya (= illusion) — still, they are your reward for virtue in a previous life. Learn to exploit your inner riches while holding on to your outer ones. Don’t share the wealth, share the experience ! (Tuition is tax-deductible.)

    Beyond vegetarianism : new paths in privation

    Gave up meat but still feel guilty ? So you should ! Since you are what you eat, eventually every vegetarian turns cannibal. This course introduces you to inanimate eating. You too can suck rocks and learn to like it ! The Course is a prerequisite to anaerobic stasis ("Good health through hypo-ventilation"), which explains how to eke out a miserable existence without immoral exploitation of the atmosphere.

    New age politics

    Recent developments in decentralized degradation and appropriate technocracy. Facilitator and Zen demagogue Jerry Brown will demonstrate the feasibility of harnessing politicians as a source of wind power. A Marin Corpse recruiter will appear on behalf of the Baloney Alliance to enlist no-nukes narcs and pacifist police. Others to be announced after security precautions are finalized.

    In the Flow

    The addled age of Aquarius is over. Wishing away the holistic horror of everyday life didn’t work. We were suckers to buy back parodies of our dreams of total transfiguration from holistic hucksters, consciousness con-men and awareness entrepreneurs. Their "alternative life-styles" only offer less of more of the same.

    There’s nothing new about a New Age of mysticism, masochism and money. "We ought not to act and speak as though we were asleep" (Heraclitus). The astrologers have only predicted the future ; the point is to create it. Paradise is possible. Don’t burn out, don’t sell out, break out. Why wallow in escapism when we can really escape ?

    The Last International
    55 Sutter St. #487 San Francisco, CA. 94104 USA

    Reprinted by Partisan Press Seattle, Washington

    This leaflet is biodegradable — eat it !

    sources :
     


    [I wonder if the ground has anything to say ?]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    I wonder if the ground has anything to say ?] / Edward Sheriff Curtis. — [S.l.] : Akwesasne Notes, . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (deux  : bleu , brun , papier blanc ) ; 57 × 45 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : CIRA (Lausanne)
    • Liste des thèmes  : populations autochtones
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  :
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ texte ; photo (amérindien ramassant un crane de bison ?) ]

    texte :

    “I wonder if the ground has anything to say ?
    I wonder if the ground is listening to what is said ?
    I wonder of the ground would come alive to what is on it ?

    Through i hear what the ground says :
    … the Great Spirit placed me here”

    This poster is from a photograph entitled “Fire Carrier Bringing the Skull” by E.S. Curtis and originally published in his book, “The North American Indian”.
    The text is adapted from a speech by Young Chief, a Cayuse leader, who spoke in opposition to the Point Elliot Treaty in 1855. It was published in “Touch the Earth” by Teri McLuhan, published by Outerbridge & Dienstfrey.
    This is one of a series of posters available reprinted on heavy paper in color. Write Akwesasne Notes, Mohawk Nation, via Reeseveltown, N.Y. 13683 to order reprints.

    [|ogo]

    sources :
     


    [Modern revolutionary theory]

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    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    Modern revolutionary theory]. — [S.l.] : [s.n.], . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (deux  : rouge , noir , papier gris ) ; 61 × 43 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis  ; France
    • Lieux d’archivages  : Anarchief (Gent)
    • Liste des thèmes  : manifeste  ; situationnisme
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  :
    • Presse citée  : Vroutsch
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ tekst ]

    texte :

    Modern revolutionary theory

    “Our greatest threat comes from no foreign foe but from those at home who seek to impose the power of negative thinking.”
    — Gerald Ford, June 9, 1974

    texts in English available at :
    USA
    * BERKELEY : Shakespeare & Co., 2499 Telegraph Ave. 94704
    *SAN FRANCISCO : Modern Times, 3800 17th St. 94114
    * P.M. Bookstore, 728 Vallejo St. 94133
    CHICAGO : New Space Books, 1509 N. Halsted St., 60622
    CAMBRIDGE : Redbook, 136 River St. 02139
    WASHINGTON, D.C. : Community Bookshop, 2028 P St., N.W. 20036

    CANADA
    EDMONTON : Erewhon Books, P.O. Box 2827, Station A

    ENGLAND
    LONDON : Compendium Bookstore, 240 Camden lligh St., NW1

    HOLLAND
    *WAGENINGEN : Bas Moreel, Nobelweg 108

    FRANCE
    *STRASBOURG : Vroutsch la Marge, 31 rue Louis Lapsgel, 67000

    textes en français sort en vente à :
    PARIS : Kiosque "Cluny", 23 Bd. Saint-Michel 5e
    Librairie La Pochette, 5 rue Mirbel 5e
    Librairie Tschann, 84 Bd. Montparnasse 14e
    GRENOBLE : Poisson Soluble, 30 rue Raoul Blanchard, 38000
    RENNES : Le Monde en Marche, 37 rue Vasselot, 35000
    *STRASBOURG : Vroutsch la Marge, 31 rue Louis Lapsgel, 67000

    * tambien ttenen textos en espanol

    On behindism
    (Shutes)

    "As Oliver Hardy would put it, the behindist is constantly ’overbounding his steps.’ Theory is concealed by its very excess. The totality the behindist wants to confront —precisely because he wants to confront it all at once remains inaccessible. ... Women’s behindism is also a concentrated expression of the feminine role which they are allotted by society and which they allot themselves through their own characterological complicity."

    Theory of misery/misery of theory
    (Denevert)
    (translation : Cooperstein, Hammer & Knabb)

    Also includes the Declaration concerning the group "Center for Research on the Social Question"

    "If the Situationists’ theory still directly interests the revolutionary movement, it is in order to draw the lesson of what it could become. ... Even if a constituted situationist theory had never existed as a possible source of inspiration, the system of commodity consumption implicitly contains its own situationism."

    Double-reflection
    (Knabb)

    • The Theorist as Subject and as Role
    • Behindism, or Theory Colonization
    • Flow to Win Friends and Influence History
    • Affective Detournernent : Alternative to Sublimation
    • Sleepers Awake

    "Whereas the sociologists study man as he is ’normally’- that is. reduced to survival, a sum of roles, a sum of banalities we are going to study him when he acts to suppress all that."

    Reproduction of human capital
    (Cooperstein)
    "The family is the first factory of alienation. Even before a kid learns to talk he learns value_ The infant can not reject love if only he can be made absolutely dependent on it this is the pet syndrome (born of loneliness, children are raised as dogs)...

    Report #1
    (Cronin)

    Critique of pro-situationist "counterfeitisrn"

    "Each new initiate rinds that in order to participate properly he must begin where the last Counterfeit left off. This quantitative progression will, no doubt, lead him to disguise the hundredth repetition of the condensed history of workers councils as a broadcast from a martian bureaucrat."

    Disinterest compounded daily
    (Rosenberg & Shutes)

    Critique of the group "Point Blank"—second printing, with an added critique of the original edition.

    "We remained the ideological pretenders to a non-existent current of agitation, while we gnashed our teeth and proclaimed how seriously we took our de-sires, we spent the last weeks of the quarter doing just what everyone else at the University did : ’jerking off for our professors.’ "

    Skirmishes with an untimely man
    (Cronin & Shutes)
    Critique of the journal "Diversion"

    Now what a mid, of horseshit. ... Horelick is a proletarian cheerleader who pumps up every workers’ action in the desperate hope that an inflated consciousness of what they’ve already done will lead the workers to do more. ... We could hardly expect him to answer ur even pose the more important question : What has the proletariat nor done. why hasn’t it done more ?"

    On the poverty of student life
    (Situationist International)

    Over 400,000 copies printed in 12 languages since its first edition, in 1966, at the expense of the University of Strasbourg

    "The student is a stoical slave : the more chains authority heaps upon him, the freer he is in fantasy. ... He celebrates all the values and mystification of the system, devouring them with all the anxiety of the infant at the breast. ... The student is already a very bad joke."

    Remarks on contradiction and its failure
    (Knabb)
    On the activities and mistakes of the ex-group "Contradiction"

    "The organization of our critique can be seen in retrospect as a continual attempt to unravel what we had ravelled in the first place. In the process we got very entangled ! ... One does not embark on such enterprises with impunity. The incompleted, the unclarified, the unresolved, the falsified accumulate with painful results. The repressed returns."

    Reich : how to use
    (Voyer) (translation : Knabb)

    "While Reich concluded in a very ambiguous manner that character was an obstacle to work, we hold that character is an obstacle to the critique of work. ... Theory knows misery as secretly public. It knows the secret publicity of misery. All hopes are permitted it. Class struggle exists."


    Reich: modo de empleo
    (Voyer)
    (traducción: Carrion)

    "Mientras que Reich llegaba a considerar de una forma muy ambigua que el carácter era un obstáculo para el trabajo, nosotros sostenemos que el carácter es un impedimento a la critica del trabajo.... La teoría conoce la miseria como secretamente publica. Conoce la publicidad secreta de la miseria. Todas las esperanzas le están permitidas, La lucha de clases existe."

    Déclaration à propos du Centre de Recherche sur la Question Sociale
    (Bloch. Charles, Cornuault & Denevert)

    "Le CRQS, complément semi-organisationnel, intentionnellement limité, à nos activités respectives et distinctes de theoriciens révolutionnaires … sera automatiquement dissout quand la realité du mouvement révolutionnaire aura rendu possibles et défini des formes d’association supérieures."

    Théorie de la misère/ misére de la théorie
    (Denevert)

    "Si la theorie des Situationnistes intéresse encore le mouvement révolutionnaire directement, c’est pour tirer la leçon de ce qu’elle a pu devenir. … Le système de la consommation marchande, quand bien même une theorie situationniste constituée n’aurait jamais existée, comme source possible d’inspiration, contient implicitement son propre situationnisme."

    Double-réflexion
    (Knabb) (traduction : Cornuault)

    • Le theoricien comme sujet et comme role
    • Lc derrierisme, ou b colonisation par la theorie
    • Comment se faire des amis et influencer I’histoire
    • Le detournement affectif : alternative à Ia sublimation
    • Dormeurs éveillés

    "Alors que les sociologues étudient I’homme dans son comportement ’normal’ — c’est a dire réduit à la survie, une somme de rôles, de banalités — nous allons étudier l’homme Iorsqu’il agit pour supprimer tout cela."

    Remarques sur le groupe Contradiction et son échec
    (Knabb)
    (traduction : Denevert)

    "L’organisation de notre critique apparait retrospectivement comme une continuelle tentative pour démêler ce que nous avons commencé par emberlificoter. Nous nous sommes vraiment englues dans ce processus ’ … On ne s’embarque pas dans de telles entreprises impunément. Les choses inachevées, les questions non-clarifiées, non-résolues ou falsifiées, s’accumulent avec lour conséquences pénibles. Ce qui est refould finit par ressurgir."

    sources :
     


    [Notice]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    Notice]. — [S.l.] : [s.n.], . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (une  : noir , papier jaune ) ; 64 × 24 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : Anarchief (Gent)
    • Liste des thèmes  : situationnisme
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  : Carrion, Tita  ; Cooperstein, Robert  ; Cronin, Isaac  ; Hammer, Dan  ; Knabb, Ken (1945-....)  ; Rosenberg, Gina  ; Shutes, Chris
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ texte ]

    texte :

    Notice

    Concerning the reigning society and those who contest it

    Berkeley—San Francisco, November 1974

    Considering,
    that "the critique which goes beyond the spectacle must know how to wait" ;

    Considering,
    that spectacular society maintains us in an organized social schizophrenia, offering up utopian or nostalgic fantasies without practical consequences or empiricist engagement In the here-and-now without consciousness of the totality ;
    that this dominant organization of confusion finds its natural expression, and reinforcement, within the very movement that wants to oppose it—in the abstract organizational form that precedes its content or the concrete association that remains unconscious of its form ;

    Considering,
    that the unceasing criticism of the revolutionary milieu, far from being a narrow or "sectarian" matter, is a central tactic, In that that milieu tends to reproduce within itself in concentrated form the principal contradictions and miseries of the dominant society it combats ;
    our contempt for almost all existing radical organizations, which, whether presenting themselves as a leadership to be followed or as an example of an ameliorated style of life to be imitated, give rise to illusions of the possibility of fundamental change without the complete overthrow of all existing conditions, the negation of the commodity economy and of the State ;

    Considering,
    that the next revolution requires that, for the first time in history, the masses of proletarianized individuals develop the practical consciousness of their own struggle, unmediated by leaders or specialists ;
    that a second international assault on class society, beginning diffusedly in the fifties and obtaining its first decisive victory in the open struggles of the late sixties, is already entering a new phase—junking the illusions and reruns of half a century ago and beginning to confront its real problems ;
    that In the United States, after a decade of widespread struggles questioning all aspects of modern society but for the most part from naive or separatist perspectives, it is now the workers themselves who are beginning to struggle autonomously against the reign of separation, against the institution of work and its flip side, alienated leisure consumed in passivity ;
    that while the new class struggle here has not lagged behind that of the other modern industrialized countries, its consciousness of itself has (the fact that the principal texts of the Situationist International are not yet available in the most advanced spectacular society is merely the most glaring expression of this theoretical underdevelopment) ;
    that proletarians must be confronted with the immensity of their tasks—the tasks of a revolution which, this time around, they will have to run themselves ;
    that if we are "difficult to understand" it is not because our language is unnecessarily complex but because the problems of the modern revolutionary movement are necessarily complex ; and that it is the very progress of this struggle toward the moment of the radical simplification of the social question which is beginning to make us less difficult to understand ;

    Considering,
    that a revolutionary organization can in no way be itself an alternative to the dominant society ; that until the masses have created the conditions for the construction of a liberated social life—in seizing and transforming the material technology and over-throwing all authority external to themselves—all positive radical accomplishments tend to be recuperated into the system as real reforms or as spectacular revolution ;
    that the function of revolutionary organization—as of revolutionary theory and practice in general—is fundamentally negative, critical, attacking the obstacles to the realization of the conditions of positive social creativity ;
    that if they are to be realized in practice, theoretical tendencies or differences must be translated into organizational problems ;

    Considering,
    that the practice of theory begins at home ;

    We declare,
    that we do not constitute an ongoing revolutionary organization, formal or informal, even in cases where some of us share or have shared the same mailing addresses ;
    that each of us, in writing a text or in translating a text of another, is speaking to the revolutionary movement in his name only, although the general bases of modern revolutionary theory are recognized by all of us ;
    that if some of us have discussed and even collaborated on certain projects, we have just as often consciously avoided this, one or another among us preferring to make his own mistakes rather than rely on the protection of the good advice of his comrades ;
    that insofar as we do associate among ourselves or with others, we define the manner and delimit the scope of our collaboration ; aiming always at inciting rigor and autonomy among the radical currents, we refuse contact with those with contrary alms or with those with whom the concrete bases for collaboration are lacking ;
    that the decision to pursue our respective activities independently is based on particular considerations and not on any spontaneist antiorganizationism ;
    that these considerations include : desirability for each of us to develop a maximum of theoretico-practical autonomy ; desire to facilitate the development of distinct strategies in fruitful rivalry with each other ; state of the struggle for practical theory in this time and place ;
    that this decision is subject to change when the reality of our own situations or of the revolutionary movement has made possible and defined forms of association more appropriate to the tasks we set ourselves.

    Tita Carrion, Robert Cooperstein, Isaac Cronin, Dan Hammer, Ken Knabb, Gina Rosenberg, Chris Shutes

    So.

    You think you have something in common with us (beyond the misery that everyone shares). . . . You see something of interest in what we say . . things you’ve already thought yourself ... we took the words right out of your mouth. . .

    Don’t bother to let us know about it.

    Leave off sending us your useless praises, your idle opinions, your tedious questions, your pointless requests to meet us. We don’t want to hear about your "agreement" with us unless it bears on some practical matter.

    You think you have something in common with us ? Prove It.

    sources :
     


    [One Big Union]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    One Big Union]. — Cleveland : IWW_ (Industrial workers of the World : 1905-....), . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.) : n. et b. ; 43 × 36 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : CIRA (Lausanne)
    • Liste des thèmes  : syndicalisme : syndicalisme révolutionnaire
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  :
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ texte (programme) au verso ; dessin (roue de l’organisation de One Big Union) ]

    texte :

    One Big Union

    Industrial Workers of the World

    […]

    The structure of the industrial system

    A labor organization to correctly represent the working class must have two things in view :

    First—It must combine the wage workers in such a way that it can most successfully fight the battles and protect .he interests of the working people of today in their struggle for fewer hours, more wages and better conditions.

    Secondly—It must offer a final solution of the labor problem—an emancipation from strikes, injunctions, jails, and scabbing of one against the other.

    Study the Chart and observe how this organization will give recognition to control of shop affairs, provide perfect industrial unionism, and converge the strength of all organized workers to a common center, from which any weak point can be strengthened and protected.

    Observe, also, how the growth and development of this organization will build up within itself the structure of an Industrial Democracy—a Workers’ Co-operative Republic—which must finally burst the shell of capitalist society and be the agency by which the workers will operate the industries, and appropriate the products to themselves.

    One obligation for all.

    A union man once and in one industry, a union man always and in all industries.

    Universal transfers.

    Universal emblem. All workers of the industry in one union ; all unions of industries in one big international union the world over.

    To start the IWW in your shop come to 8622 Buckeye road — telephone, Garfield 7114

    The IWW plan for industrial unionism

    SOCIAL relations and groupings reflect only mechanical and industrial conditions. The great facts of pre-sent industry are the displacement of human skill by machines and the increase of capitalist power through concentration in the possession of the tools with which wealth is produced and distributed.

    Because of these facts, trade division among laborers and competition among capitalists are alike disappearing. Class divisions grow ever more fixed and class antagonism more sharp. Trade lines have been swallowed up in a common servitude of all workers to the machines which they tend. New machines, ever replacing less productive ones, wipe out whole trades and plunge new bodies of workers into the ever-growing army of tradeless, hopeless unemployed. As human beings and human skill are displaced by mechanical progress, the capitalists need use the workers only during that brief period when muscles and nerves respond most intensely. The moment the laborer no longer yields the maximum of profits he is thrown upon the scrap pile alongside the discarded machine to starve. A dead line has been drawn, and an age limit established, to cross which, in this world of monopolized opportunities, means condemnation to industrial death.

    The worker, wholly separated from the land and the tools, with his skill of craftmanship rendered useless, is sunk in the uniform mass of wage slaves. He sees his power of resistance broken by class divisions, perpetuated from outgrown industrial stages. His wages constantly grow less as his hours grow longer and prices grow higher. Shifted here and there by the demands of profit takers, the laborer’s home no longer exists. In this hopeless condition he is forced to accept whatever humiliating conditions his masters may impose. He is submitted to a physical examination more searching than was the chattel slave when sold from the auction block. Laborers are no longer classified by differences in trade skill, but the employer assigns them according to the machines to which they are attached. These divisions, far from representing differences in skill or interests among the workers, are imposed by the employers that workers may be pitted against one another and spurred to greater exertion in the shop, and that all resistance to capitalist tyranny may be weakened by artificial distinctions.

    While encouraging these outgrown divisions among the workers the capitalists carefully adjust themselves to the new conditions. They wipe out all differences among themselves and present a united front in their war upon labor. Through employers’ associations, they seek to crush, with brutal force, by the injunctions of the judiciary, and the use of military power, all efforts at resistance. Or when the other policy seems more profitable, they conceal their daggers beneath the cloak of patriotism and hoodwink and betray those whom they would rule and exploit. Both methods depend for success upon the blindness and internal dissensions of the working class. The employers’ line of battle and methods of warfare correspond to the solidarity of the mechanical and industrial concentration, while workers still form their fighting organizations on lines of long-gone trade divisions.

    The recent San Francisco General Strike emphasizes this lesson.

    The A.F. of L. and its rock-ribbed Tory leadership ran true to form in the Frisco Strike, as it has in every recent strike, large or small. From the very beginning no efforts were spared to betray the strikers and to compromise the strike issue. From beginning to end the entire activity
    of the well-fed fakirs of the official unions were directed to the end that the strike should be called off and the strikers and their cause turned over to the tender mercies of the employers and the little playmates of the employing class, the politicians.

    It must be said to the credit of the new rank and file spirit of Labor that such overtures were consistently and indignantly rejected. With the settlement of the auto, steel and other strikers in mind, the Frisco strikers quite rightly figured that they had little to look for from this quarter. From the very beginning, the Frisco Strike was a three cornered fight. First came the struggle of the strikers against the employers over the matter of union demands, then came the struggle between the rank and file of the strikers against the treachery of the paid officials of their own unions ; and finally came the struggle between the strikers and the politicians. This last was not the least important phase of the fight, for it will be remembered that Governor Merriam’s contribution was the militia, and General Johnson’s, a hysterical diatribe against the General Strike. The Communist politicians, seeking as always to fish in troubled waters, beclouded the issue with the strident overtones of characteristic Communist Boastfulness. Keeping in mind the fact that the Frisco rank and file strikers were also hampered in their commendable efforts by the obsolete craft structure of their unions, one can see how marvelous it is that they were able to go as far as they did.

    One of the big lessons of the Frisco strike is the fact that One Big Strike calls for a new union alignment. More and more will the modern wage worker learn that trying to get General Strike performance from a craft union is like trying to get an airplane speed from a horse and buggy. This is obviously as impossible as it would be to fire heavy artillery projectables from a pop-gun. There is no escaping the fact that One Big Strike calls for One Big Union. Fortunately there are indications that the younger and more militant element of the old-line unions are not unaware of this pressing and all-important need for the industrial type of unionism.

    This worn out and corrupt system offers no promise of improvement or adaptation. There is no silver lining to the clouds of darkness and despair settling down upon the world of labor.

    This system offers only a perpetual struggle for slight relief from wage slavery. It is blind to the possibility of establishing an industrial democracy, wherein there shall be no wage slavery, but where the workers will own the tools they operate, and the product of which they alone should enjoy.

    It shatters the ranks of the workers into fragments, rendering them helpless and impotent on the industrial battlefield.

    Separation of craft from craft renders industrial solidarity impossible.

    Union men scab upon union men ; hatred of worker for worker is engendered, and the workers are delivered helpless and disintegrated into the hands of the capitalists.

    Craft jealousy leads to the attempt to create trade monopolies. Prohibitive initiation fees are established that force men to become scabs against their will. Men whom manliness or circumstance have driven from one trade are thereby fined when they seek to transfer membership to the union of a new craft.

    Craft divisions hinder the growth of class consciousness of workers, foster the idea of harmony of interests between employing exploiter and employed slave. They permit the association of the misleaders of the workers with the capitalists in conferences, where plans are made for the perpetuation of capitalism, and the permanent enslavement of the workers through the wage system.

    Previous efforts for the betterment of the working class have proven abortive because limited in scope and disconnected in action.

    Universal economic evils afflicting the working class can be eradicated only by a universal working class movement. Such a movement of the working class is impossible while separate craft and wage agreements are made favoring the employer against other crafts in the same industry, and while energies are wasted in fruit-less jurisdictional struggles which serve only to further the personal aggrandizement of union officials.

    THE INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD is an organization to fulfill these conditions. It is the modern, scientific movement of the working class toward emancipation by INDUSTRIAL UNIONISM. All the workers in any division of an industry are organized into an INDUSTRIAL UNION, so branched as the needs of the industry may require ; these INDUSTRIAL UNIONS are in turn organized into INDUSTRIAL DEPARTMENTS of connecting, or kindred industries, while all are brought together in the GENERAL ORGANIZATION of the INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD —ONE BIG UNION OF ALL THE WORKING CLASS of ALL THE WORLD, making possible world-wide working-class SOLIDARITY.

    It is founded on the class struggle and its general ad-ministration is conducted in harmony with the recognition of the irrepressible conflict between the capitalist class and the working class. It is established as the industrial organization of the working class, without affiliation with, or support of, any political or non-political sect.

    Industrial branch, industrial union, departmental and general administration, union labels, buttons, badges and emblems, transfer cards, initiation fees and per capita tax are uniform throughout.

    All members must hold membership in the industrial union in which they are employed, but there is a universal (free) transfer of membership between all unions.

    The initiation fee is one dollar with fifty cents monthly dues. In addition to this the members are assessed twenty-five cents every three months for which they receive our official paper, mailed to their homes every week.

    The general administration issues publications representing the entire union and its principles which reach all members in every industry at regular intervals.

    Hundreds of thousands of workers, in every civilized country, are coming to understand the principles of industrial unionism. They are organizing for the battles of today, for better conditions, and for the final clash in the future when the general lock-out of the parasite class of non-producers will end the contest for industrial possession.

    If you are one of the millions needed to accomplish the task, join the industrial union composed of workers in the shop or plant where you work. If none exists be the first to get busy. Get others, organize them. Learn to tackle the industrial problems, show others how the workers will be able to run the industries through agencies of their own creation the world over.

    For further information come to

    The IWW Headquarters 8622 Buckeye Road Telephone, GArfield 7114 Cleveland, Ohio

    [page ?] 42

    Issued by the Cleveland Organization Committee Metal and Machinery Workers Industrial Union No. 440 of the IWW

    sources :
     


    [Rape Vietnam]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    Rape Vietnam]. — [S.l.] : [s.n.], . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (deux  : noir , magenta , texte en défonce , couleur en dégradé , papier blanc ) ; 26 × 41 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : CIRA (Lausanne)
    • Liste des thèmes  : sexualité et genre
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  : guerres : Guerre du Vietnam *  ; Vietnam
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  :
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ texte ; graphisme symbolisant le Vietnam ]

    texte :

    Rape Vietnam

    The straight men who have control of America will stop at nothing to maintain their supremacy. When the people of Vietnam assert their right to control their country, Nixon orders them bombed into the Stone Age. When the faggots assert our right to control our bodies we get physically attacked or incarcerated in jails and mental institutions. Whenever anyone refuses to conform to the needs of male supremacy, the men who have control of most of the world, use their power to destroy these threats. We faggots urge you to join us in trying to end male supremacy, so that never again will people be used tortured, or murdered, in order to contribute to the power and glory of Phallic Imperialism.

    Faggots against th war

    sources :
     


    [The life cycle of the creation is endless]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    The life cycle of the creation is endless] / Charles Brill. — [S.l.] : Akwesasne Notes, . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (deux ) ; 57 × 45 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : CIRA (Lausanne)
    • Liste des thèmes  : populations autochtones
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  :
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ texte ; photo sépia brun (vieille femme et enfant amérindiens sur un chemin) par Charles Brill ]

    texte :

    The life cycle of the creation is endless. We watch the seasons come and go, life into life forever. The child becomes parent who then becomes our respected elder. Life so sacred, it is good to be a part of all this.

    This poster is from a photograph by Charles Brill, which appeared in his book, Indian and free : a contemporary portrait of life on a Chippewa reservation published by the University of Minnesota Press, portraying the Red Lake Band of Chippewas in Northern Minnesota. The book itself is available from Akwesasne Notes for $9.75, hardcover — 142 pages, and 160 photographs. This is one of series of 25 posters from the centerfold of Akwesasne Notes. Reprints on colored poster paper are available.
    Order from : Akwesasne Notes, Mohawk Nation, via Rooseveltown, NY 13683 USA

    sources :
     


    [The original instructions direct that we who walk about the earth are to express a great respect]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    The original instructions direct that we who walk about the earth are to express a great respect] / Kahonhes (John Fadden). — [S.l.] : Akwesasne Notes, . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (une  : rouge , papier brun ) ; 57 × 45 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : CIRA (Lausanne)
    • Liste des thèmes  : populations autochtones
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  :
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ texte ; dessin (amérindiens antiques et modernes symétriquement au travail, séparés par un personnage agissant sur un feu, une tortue sous terre) ]

    texte :

    The original instructions direct that we who walk about the earth are to express a great respect, and affection, and a gratitude toward all the spirits which create and support life. We give a greetings and thanksgiving to the many supporters of your own lives…
    The corn, beans, squash, the winds, the sun, when people cease to respect and express gratitude for these many things, then all life will be destroyed, and human life on this planet will come to an end…

    Additional copies of this poster are now avaible from Akwesasne Notes. Thanks to Kohonhes (John Fadden) for artwork). A series of posters reproduced from the centerfold of Akwesasne Notes are available on on heavy paper. A full listing is on the resourse pages of every issue of Akwesasne Notes. Add 25 cents for shipping in a cardboard mailing tube. Order from Akwesasne Notes, Mohawk Nation, via Rooseveltown, NY 13683.

    [logo] […]

    sources :
     


    [The Police]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    The Police]. — [S.l.] : Crimethinc, . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (quadri ) ; 55 × 36 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : Anarchief (Gent)
    • Liste des thèmes  : contrôle social  ; police  ; répression
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  : Cohn-Bendit, Daniel (1945-...)
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :
    Symbole(s) utilisé(s) :

    [ texte recto / verso) ; photo (rang de policiers anti-émeute) ]

    texte :

    The Police

    The ones who beat Rodney King, who gunned down Sean Bell and Amadou Diallo and Oscar Grant, who murdered Fred Hampton in his bed. The ones who enforced Apartheid in South Africa and segregation in the United States. The ones who broke Victor Jara’s hands and Steve Biko’s skull, who disappeared dissidents from Argentina to Zaire, who served Josef Stalin. The ones who interrogated Black Panthers and Catholic Workers, who maintained records on 16 million people in East Germany, who track us through surveillance cameras and phone taps. The ones firing tear gas and rubber bullets whenever a demonstration gets out of hand, who back the bosses in every strike. The ones who stand between every hungry person and the grocery shelves stocked with food, between every homeless person and the buildings standing empty, between every immigrant and her family.

    In every nation, in every age, you tell us you’re indispensable, that without you we’d all be killing each other.

    But we know well enough who the killers are.

    You won’t fuck with us much longer.

    Police everywhere, justice nowhere — [logo (cartouche d’arme à feu) :] Crimethinc. — www.crimethinc.org/police

    Seven Myths about the Police

    The police exercise legitimate authority. The average police officer is not a legal expert ; he probably knows his department protocol, but very little about the actual laws. This means his enforcement involves a great deal of bluffing, improvisation, and dishonesty. Police lie on a regular basis : "I just got a report of someone of your description committing a crime around here. Want to show me some ID ?"
    This is not to say we should unthinkingly accept laws as legitimate, either. The entire judicial system protects the privileges of the wealthy and powerful Obeying laws is not necessarily morally right—it may even be immoraL Slavery was legal, aiding escaped slaves illegal. The Nazis came to power in Germany via democratic elections and passed laws through the prescribed channels. We should aspire to the strength of conscience to do what we know is best, regardless of laws and police intimidation.

    [draw] “protecting and serving the fuck out of you”

    The police are ordinary workers just like us ; they should be our allies. Unfortunately, there’s a big gap between "should be" and "are." The role of the police is to serve the interests of the ruling class ; anyone who has not had a bad experience with them is likely privileged, submissive, or both. Today’s police officers know exactly what they’re getting into when they join the force—people in uniform don’t just get cats out of trees. Yes, most take the job because of economic pressure, but needing a paycheck is no excuse for evicting families, harassing young people of color, or pepper-spraying demonstrators. Those whose consciences can be bought are everyone’s potential enemies, not allies.
    This fairy tale is more persuasive when it is couched in strategic terms : for example, "Every revolution succeeds at the moment the armed forces refuse to make war on their fellows ; therefore we should focus on seducing the police to our side." But the police are not just any workers ; they’re the ones who chose to base their livelihoods upon defending the prevailing order, thus the least likely to be sympathetic to those who wish to change it. In this context, it makes more sense to oppose the police as such than to seek solidarity with them. As long as they serve their masters, they cannot be our allies ; by denouncing the institution of police and demoralizing individual officers, we encourage them to seek other livelihoods so we can one day find common cause with them.

    Maybe there are some bad apples, but some police officers are good people. Perhaps some police officers have good intentions, but once again, insofar as they obey orders rather than their consciences, they cannot be trusted.
    There’s something to be said for understanding the systematic nature of institutions, rather than attributing every injustice to the shortcomings of individuals. Remember the story of the man who, tormented by fleas, managed to catch one between his fingers ? He scrutinized it for a long time before placing it back at the spot on his neck where had he caught it. His friends, confounded, inquired why on earth he would do such a thing. That wasn’t the one that was biting me," he explained.

    [draw] “puppets of the ruling class”

    Police can win any confrontation, so we shouldn’t antagonize them. With all their weapons, equipment, and surveillance, the police can seem invincible, but this is an illusion. They are limited by all sorts of invisible constraints—bureaucracy, public opinion, communication breakdowns, an overloaded judicial system. If they don’t have vehicles or facilities available to transport and process a great number of arrestees, for example, they can’t make mass arrests.
    This is why a motley crowd armed only with the tear gas canisters shot at them can hold off a larger, more organized, better-equipped police force ; contests between social unrest and military might don’t play out according to the rules of military engagement. Those who have studied police, who can predict what they are prepared for and what they can and cannot do, can often outsmart and outmaneuver them.
    Such small victories are especially inspiring for those who chafe under the heel of police violence on a daily basis. In the collective unconscious of our society, the police are the ultimate bastion of reality, the force that ensures that things stay the way they are ; taking them on and winning, however temporarily, shows that reality is negotiable.

    [draw] “together we are stronger than them”

    Police are a mere distraction from the real enemy, not worth our wrath or attention. Alas, tyranny is not just a matter of politicians or executives ; they would be powerless without those who do their bidding. When we contest their rule, we’re also contesting the submission that keeps them in power, and sooner or later we’re sure to come up against some of those who submit.
    That being said, it’s true that the police are no more integral to hierarchy than the oppressive dynamics in our own communities ; they are simply the external manifestation, on a larger scale, of the same phenomena. If we are to contest domination everywhere, rather than specializing in combating certain forms of it while leaving others unchallenged, we have to be prepared to confront it both in the streets and in our own bedrooms ; we can’t expect to win on one front without fighting on the other. We shouldn’t fetishize confrontations with uniformed foes, we shouldn’t forget the power imbalances in our own ranks—but neither should we be content merely to manage the details of our own oppression in a non-hierarchical manner.

    We need police to protect us. According to this line of thinking, even if we might aspire to live in a society without police in the distant future, we need them today, for people are not ready to live together peacefully without armed enforcers. As if the social imbalances and fear maintained by police violence are peace ! Those who argue that the police sometimes do good things bear the burden of proving that those same good things could not be accomplished at least as well by other means.
    In any case, it’s not as if a police-free society is suddenly going to appear overnight just because someone spray-paints "Fuck the Police" on a wall. The protracted struggle it will take to free our communities from police repression will probably go on as long as it takes us to learn to coexist peacefully ; a community that can’t sort out its own conflicts can’t expect to triumph against a more powerful occupying force. In the meantime, opposition to police should be seen as a rejection of one of the most egregious sources of oppressive violence, not an assertion that without police there would be none. But if we can ever defeat and disband the police, we will surely be able to defend ourselves against less organized threats.

    [draw (Daniel Cohn-Bendit & French policeman)] “Take some responsibility for yourself you fucking coward !”

    Resisting the police is violent—it makes you no better than them. According to this line of thinking, violence is inherently a form of domination, and thus inconsistent with opposing domination. Those who engage in violence play the same game as their oppressors, thereby losing from the outset.
    This is dangerously simplistic. Is a woman who defends herself against a rapist no better than a rapist ? Were slaves who revolted no better than slave-holders ? There is such a thing as self-defense. In some cases, violence enforces power imbalances ; in other cases, it challenges them. For people who still have faith in an authoritarian system or God, following the rules—whether legal or moral—is the top priority, at whatever cost : they believe they will be rewarded for doing so, regardless of what happens to others as a result. Whether such people call themselves conservatives or pacifists makes little difference in the end. On the other hand, for those of us who take responsibility for ourselves, the most important question is what will serve to make the world a better place. Sometimes this may include violence.
    Police are people too, and deserve the same respect due all living things. The point is not that they deserve to suffer or that we should bring them to justice. The point is that, in purely pragmatic terms, they must not be allowed to brutalize people or impose an unjust social order. Though it can be empowering for those who have spent their lives under the heel of oppression to contemplate finally settling the score with their oppressors, liberation is not a matter of exacting revenge but of rendering it unnecessary. Therefore, while it may sometimes even be necessary to set police on fire, this should not be done out of a spirit of vengeful self-righteousness, but from a place of care and compassion—if not for the police themselves, at least for all who would otherwise suffer at their hands.

    ★

    Delegitimizing the police is not only beneficial for those they target, but also for police officers’ families and police officers themselves. Not only do police officers have disproportionately high rates of domestic violence and child abuse, they’re also more likely to get killed, commit suicide, and struggle with addiction than most sectors of society. Anything that encourages police officers to quit their jobs is in their best interest, as well as the interest of their loved ones and society at large. Let’s create a world in which no one oppresses or is oppressed, in which no one has to live in fear.

    [logo "adjustable wrench" Crimethinc.] Produced and dispersed by the Crimethinc. Ex-Worker’s Collective, an unlikely collection of misfits held together by an insatiable desire for freedom and the means to achieve it.

    Crimethinc. Community Services
    PO Box 13998
    Salem Oregon 97309

    Download a PDF of this poster and many others at crimethinc.com [QR-Code]

    "Find out just what any people will quietly submit to and you have found out the exact measure of injustice and wrong which will be imposed upon them, and these will continue till they are resisted with either words or blows, or both."

    — Frederick Douglass

    sources :
     


    [The War-Prayer]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    The War-Prayer] / Maurits Cornelis Escher. — [S.l.] : [s.n.], . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (deux  : noir , violet ) ; 48 × 63 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : CIRA (Lausanne)
    • Liste des thèmes  : guerre (généralités)  ; religion et spiritualité (en général)
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  : Twain, Mark (1835-1910)
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ texte (prière en caractères gothique/vieil anglais) ; dessin de fond (prêtres macabres/ momies de prêtres « Ite, missa est. ») d’Escher (cartouche : 6 -’32, MCE) ]

    texte :

    The War-Prayer

    O Lord, our Father, our young patriots, idols of hearts our hearts, go forth to battle — he Thou near them !

    With them — in spirit — me also go forth from the sweet peace of our beloved firesides to smite the foe.

    O Lord, our God, help us to tear their soldiers to bloody shreds with our shells ;

    Help us to cover their smiling fields with the pale forms of their patriot dead ;

    Help us to drown the thunder of the guns with the shrieks of their wounded, writing in pain ;

    Help us to lag waste their humble homes with a hurricane of fire ;

    Help us to wring the hearts of their unoffending widows with unavailing grief ;

    Help us to turn them out roaf less with their little children to wander unfriended the wastes of their desolated land in rags and hunger and thirst, sport of the sun-flames of summer and the icy winds of winter, broken in spirit, worn with travail, imploring Thee for the refuge of the grave and denied it - for our sakes who adore Thee, Lord,

    Blast their hopes, blight their lives, protract their bitter pilgrimage, make heavy their steps, water their may with their tears, stain the white snow with the blood of their wounded feet !

    We ask it, in the spirit of love, of Him Who is the source of love, and Who is the ever-faithfull refuge and friend of all that are sore beset and seek His aid with humble and contrite hearts.

    Amen

    Transcribed by Mark Twain

    sources :
     

    1984
    Affiche liée


    [We did not think of the great open plains, the beautiful rolling hills...]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    We did not think of the great open plains, the beautiful rolling hills...]. — [S.l.] : Akwesasne Notes, . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (deux  : rouge , brun ) ; 57 × 45 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : CIRA (Lausanne)
    • Liste des thèmes  : populations autochtones
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  :
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ texte ; photo (portrait d’un amérindien) ]

    texte :

    “We did not think of the great open plains, the beautiful rolling hills, and winding streams with tangled growth, as “wild”. Only to the white man was nature a “wilderness” infested with “wild” animals and “savage” people. To us it was tame. Earth was bountiful and we were surrounded with the blessings of the Great Mystery.”

    In each issue of Akwesasne Notes, there is a centerfold poster. The entire series is available as separate posters. They measure 17 × 22 inches and are printed in various colors. This poster combines a photograph, “Bear Belly-Arickara” by Cartlin with a quote from Luther Standing Bear.
    Askesasne Notes.

    Mohawk Nation at Akwesasne, via Rooseveltown, New York 13863.

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    sources :