Hongrie : histoire
Thesaurus :
catalogue lausanne
5 affiches :
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Ces Élections Municipales sont une
imposture !
TRAVAILLEURS, les Communistes Libertaires vous parlent :
C’EST VRAI : comme vous le disent tous les partis, tous les partis qui ont eu en main une municipalité ont réalisé quelque chose : un terrain de sport, une salle des fêtes, une amélioration de la cantine scolaire, etc.
C’EST VRAI AUSSI ce qu’ils disent tous les uns des autres : qu’ils l’ont obtenu par des augmentations d’impôts, des trafics louches dans les Préfectures ou dans les Ministères et au détriment d’autres communes moins favorisées.
Mais CE QUI EST SURTOUT VRAI, c’est que malgré les améliorations secondaires et qui nous coûtent très cher,
LE CHÔMAGE,
LE FASCISME,
LA GUERRE,
sont là,
et que demain les crèches, les salles des fêtes et les écoles flamberont sous les bombes :
Oui, le scrutin actuel est une escroquerie. Mais nous avons connu d’autres scrutins et les résultats étaient les mêmes vous le savez :
LE CHÔMAGE, LA RÉACTION, LA GUERREIl en est ainsi parce que, dans les conditions présentes, plus que jamais, l’ÉTAT, poursuivant sa politique de guerre, a détruit les possibilités réalisatrices des communes.
Les municipalités ne sont plus rien que des domestiques des Préfets et du Pouvoir Central : le ministère de l’Intérieur qui accordait aux communes 50 %de son budget en 1947 n’en accorde plus que 8 % en 1953.
QUE FAIRE ?
NOUS NE MARCHONS PAS !
Nous ne donnerons pas nos suffrages à ceux qui votent partout les centimes additionnels pour la guerre au lieu de démissionner, à ceux qui — Gaullistes, RGR, Indépendants, Socialistes, Staliniens — ont voté les crédits militaires au moins tant qu’ils ont eu des ministres au pouvoir !
Aux travailleurs qui malgré cela voudront encore voter en pensant choisir un moindre mal, nous rappelons que la droite c’est la réaction et la gauche c’est la trahison. Nous disons : “Votez donc, mais ce ne sera qu’une expérience de plus”.
ABSTENTION MASSIVE tant que l’on ne permettra pas aux vrais défenseurs du Peuple de dire la vérité, tant qu’il faudra des millions pour avoir le droit de s’exprimer, pour mener dans les municipalités une action antigouvernementale mettant en échec la bourgeoisie et son État,
ABSTENTION MASSIVE ! non pas parce que nous nous désintéressons des questions communales, mais au contraire parce que tout le régime est en cause, et que ces élections ne sont qu’une imposture.
Il faut que les valets de l’État et des partis, qui demain vont siéger dans les mairies ne siègent qu’avec le mépris des travailleurs.
NOUS MENONS LA LUTTE sur le terrain de la lutte de classes et de l’action directe : c’est sur le lieu du travail que nous combattons pour nos revendications, c’est dans les communes et les quartiers que nous exigerons tous ensemble, par la force, les réalisations qui s’imposent, quels que soient les escrocs qui sont dans les mairies.
L’ACTION RÉVOLUTIONNAIRE pour balayer le régime, pour la marche en avant vers le Communisme Libertaire, le véritable Communisme,
★ dans la démocratie réelle, réalisera les libres communes aux mains des travailleurs :
★ comme en 1917, en Russie, avant la contre-révolution des bureaucrates staliniens, et de 17 à 21 avec les
anarchistes en Ukraine,
★ comme en 1919 en Allemagne et en Hongrie,
★ comme en 1936 dans l’Espagne libertaire,
★ comme cela aurait dû être en 1944 en France, lands la trahison des partis qui furent tous unis derrière
DE GAULLE.LA FÉDÉRATION ANARCHISTE
Chaque semaine lisez le LIBERTAIRE — ADHÉREZ à la FA, 145, quai de Valmy Paris 10e
Le gérant : René Lustre
[marque syndicale] Impr. Centrale du Croissant — 19, rue du Croissant, Paris-2e - F. Rochon, imprimeur.Collez cette affiche partout !
Cette affiche est parue dans Le Libertaire : organe de la Fédération anarchiste n° 357 (jeudi 23 avril 1953), en pages centrales.
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Debout pour la Hongrie indomptée
- En cet anniversaire, 15 mars 1848, de l’insurrection populaire hongroise écrasée par l’armée tsariste.
- En ces jours de répression féroce où travailleurs et intellectuels hongrois tiennent tête au « kapo » Kadar malgré les divisions soviétiques.
Tous à Wagram
39, avenue de Wagram
Vendredi 15 mars à 20 h 30
Parleront sous la présidence d’Adrien Lavergne, de la Fédération de l’Éducation nationale
Albert Camus
Nicolas Lazarevitch
Jacques Van Broekhuizen, de la Communauté d’éducation européenne
Gyorgy Szabo, du Comité révolutionnaire de Györ
Balazs Nagy, du Cercle Petöfi de Budapest
Impr. du Sommet, 3, rue du Sommet-des-Alpes, Paris-15e — Solidarité Internationale Antifasciste
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text
map (“Kronstadt and Vicinity”)
photos (“Ex-Stalin Square in Budapest, October 23rd, 1956” ; “Armed Strikers, Southern Colorado coal fields, 1914 (To be continued in Cleveland, 1970.)”)
- texte :
Theses on the Commune
I
“The traditional revolutionary workers’ movement must be re-examined without any illusions ans, first and foremost, without any illusions as to its various political ans pseudo-theoretical heirs, for all they have inherited is its failure. What seem to be the achievements of this movement (reformism or the installation of a state bureaucracy) are its fundamental failures, while what seem to be its failure (the Commune of the Asturias revolt of 1934) are its greatest achievements, for us and for the future.” (Internationale Situationniste No. 7)
II
The Commune was the biggest festival of the nineteenth century. Underlying the events of that spring of 1871 one can see the insurgents’ feeling that they had become the masters of their own history, not the level of the politics of “government”, but on the level of their everyday life. (Consider, for example, the games everybody played with their weapons : they were in fact playing with Power.) It is also in this sense that Marx should be understood when he says that “the most important social measure of the Commune was its own existence in acts.”
III
The remark by Engels and Marx : “Take a look at the Paris Commune. It that was the dictatorship of the proletariat,” should be taken seriously, in order to reveal what the dictatorship of the proletariat as a political regime is not (the various forms of dictatorship over the proletariat in the name of the proletariat).
IV
It is not difficult to make perfectly justified criticisms of the incoherence and obvious lack of the machine in the Commune. As the problem of political machinery seems far more complex to us today than the would-be heirs of the bolshevik-type machinery claim it to be, it is high time we examine the Commune not just as superseded example of revolutionary primitivism, all mistakes of which have long been overcome, but as a positive experiment whose whole truth has never been either rediscovered or accomplished ti this day.
V
The Commune had no leaders. And this at a time when the idea of the necessity of leaders held undisputed sway over the proletarian movement. This is the first reason for its paradoxical successes and failures. The official organizers of the Commune were incompetent (if measured up against Marx, Lenin or even Blanqui). But on the other hand, the various “irresponsible” acts of that moment are precisely what should be claimed for the continuation of the revolutionary movement of our own time. This is so, even if the circumstances forced almost all of those acts to remain destructive (The most famous example being the rebel who, when a suspected bourgeois insisted that he had never had anything to do with politics, replied, “That’s precisely why I’m going to kill you.”)
VI
The vital importance of the general arming of the people was manifest practically and symbolically, from the beginning to the end of the movement. By and large the right to impose popular will by force was not surrendered and left to any specialized detachments. This exemplary value of this autonomy of armed groups had its counterpart in their lack of co-ordination : at no point of the struggle against Versailles, on the offensive or defensive, did the forces of the people attain real military effectiveness. It should, however, be born in mind that the Spanish revolution was lost — as, in the last analysis, was the civil war itself — in the name of a similar transformation into a “republican army.” The contradiction between autonomy and co-ordination would seem to be the point reached by the technology of the period.
VII
The Commune represents the only implementation of a revolutionary urbanism to date — attacking on the spot, the petrified signs of the dominant organization of life, understanding social space in political terms, when they refused, for example, to accept the innocence of any monument. Anyone who reduces this to some “lumpen-proletarian nihilism,” some “irresponsibility of the petrol-bombers”, should be forced to state what, on the contrary, he believes to be of positive value in contemporary society and worth preserving (it will turn out to be almost everything…). “The entire space is already occupied by the enemy…. Authentic urbanism will appear when the absence of this occupation is created in certain zones. What we call construction starts there. It can be clarified by the positive hole coined by modern physics” (Unitary Urbanism, out of I.S. 6).
VIII
The Paris Commune succumbed less to the force of arms than to the force of habit. The most scandalous practical example was the refusal to use artillery to seize the French National Bank when money was in such desperate need. Throughout the whole of the Commune, the Bank remained an enclave og Versailles in Paris, defended by nothing more than a few rifles and the myth of property and theft. The other ideological habits proved in every respect equally disastrous (the resurrection of Jacobinism, the defeatist strategy of barricades in memory of ‘48 ans so on).
IX
The Commune shows how those who defend the old world always benefit, at one point or another, from the complicity of revolutionaries : and, above all, from those who think out the revolution. This occurs at the point where the revolutionaries think like those guardians of the old world. In this way, the old world retains some bases (ideology, language, habits) in the deployment of its enemies, and uses them to reconquer the terrain it lost. (Only the thought-in-acts natural to the revolutionary proletariat escapes it irrevocably : the Tax Bureau went up in flames.) The real “fifth column” exists, in fact, in the very minds of revolutionaries.
X
The story of the arsonists who, during the last days of the Commune went to destroy Notre-Dame, only to find themselves confronted by an armed battalion of Commune artists, is a rich in meaning : it is a fine example of direct democracy. It shows further the kind of problems still raised in the perspective of the power of the workers’ councils. Were these artists as such right to defend a cathedral in the name of eternal aesthetic values — and in the last analysis, in the name of museum culture — while at the same time other men wanted nothing but to express themselves, for the first time there and then ; to make this destruction symbolize their absolute defiance in the face of a society which, in its moment of triumph, was about to consign their lives to silence and oblivion ? The artist partisans of the Commune, acting as specialists, already found themselves in conflict with an “extremist” form of struggle against alienation. The Communards must be criticized for not having dared to answer the totalitarian terror of power with the total power of weapons. Everything indicates that those poets who, at that moment, actually expressed the Commune’s inherent poetry were simply wiped out. The abortive nature of the Commune as a whole let its tentative actions be turned into “atrocities” and made it easy to censor the memory of its real intentions. Saint Just’s remark, “those who make but half a revolution dig naught but their own graves,” helps also explains his own silence.
XI
Theoreticians who, like the traditional novelists, try to the the history of this movement from a divine omniscient standpoint can very easily prove, in purely objective terms, the Commune was condemned to failure and that it could never have been superseded. They forget that for those who really lived it, the supersession was there already.
XII
The audacity and imagination of the Commune can only be measured in terms of the prevailing political, intellectual and moral attitudes of its own time in terms of the cohesion of all the prevailing platitudes it blasted to pieces. In the same way, the inventiveness we can expect of a comparable explosion today can only be measured in terms of the cohesion of the prevailing platitudes from the right of the left, of our own time.
XIII
The social war, of which the Commune was one moment, is still being fought today (though its superficial conditions have changed considerably). As to the task of “making the unconscious tendencies of the Commune conscious” (Engels), the last word is still to be said.
XIV
For almost twenty years in France, the Christians of the left and the Stalinists, in memory of their anti-German front, have agreed to emphasize the aspect of national disarray and offended patriotism appearing in the Commune, to explain that “the French people petitioned to be better governed” (in agreement with contemporary Stalinist “politics”) and were brought to despair by the default of the country-less right wing of the bourgeoisie. In order to regurgitate this holy water it would suffice to study the role played by foreigners who came to fight for the Commune. The Commune, in fact, was above all the inevitable battle, climax of twenty-three years of struggle in Europe by “our party” as Marx said.
18 March 1962
Debord, Kotányi and VaneigemThis text was first issued by Internationale situationniste
BP 307-03 ParisSituationist international
Cooper Station
P.O. Box 491
New York
N.Y. 10003- notice : Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
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Arbetarmakt
oberoende rädssocialistisk tidning — Nr 5/72 Årg 1 pris 1 :-Klasskampen skärps
Stöd arbetarklassens självständiga organisering i socialistiska arbetsplats-och strejkkommittéer
Ungern 56
den beväpnade sanningen
Förenade Tryckerier, Göteborg 1972
Arbetarmakt, oberoende rädssocialistisk tidning [conseilliste ? : Arbetarpress]
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Capitaliste ou marxiste, l’armée est l’arme suprême de l’État pour asservir la classe ouvrière
Ils ont assassiné :
La Commune de Paris - 1871
Les Fusillés pour l’exemple - 1917
La Commune de Berlin - 1919
La Commune de Kronstadt - 1921
Les Anarchistes d’Ukraine - 1921
L’Espagne antifasciste - 1936
La Hongrie - 1956
La Tchécoslovaquie - 1968
Le Chili - 1973La classe ouvrière de tous les pays qui lutte pour son émancipation
Fédération anarchiste
3, rue Ternaux - Paris XIe[… impr. ?]
Affiche, du groupe Louis-Michel (Paris), annoncée dans Le Monde libertaire n° 220 (mars 1976).
- Anarlivres : site bibliographique des ouvrages anarchistes ou sur l'anarchisme en français
- Cgécaf : Catalogue général des éditions et collections anarchistes francophones
[Ces élections municipales sont une imposture !]
[Ces élections municipales sont une imposture !]. — Paris : FA__ [1] (Fédération anarchiste : 1945-1953) : Le Libertaire (1944-1956), (ICC (Imprimerie Centrale du Croissant)). — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.) : n. et b. ; 72 × 54 cm.
sources :
[Debout pour la Hongrie indomptée ; tous à Wagram vendredi 15 mars]
[Debout pour la Hongrie indomptée ; tous à Wagram vendredi 15 mars]. — Paris : SIA_ (Solidaridad internacional antifascista - Solidarité internationale antifasciste), (Sommet, impr. du (Paris)). — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (une : noir, papier jaune) ; 80 × 60 cm.
sources :
[Theses on the Commune]
[Theses on the Commune]. — New York : Situationist International, [ ?] . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (deux : rouge, noir, papier blanc) ; 49 × 13 cm.
sources :
[Klasskampen skärps]
[Klasskampen skärps]. — Göteborg : [s.n.], . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (une : rouge, papier blanc) ; 56 × 33 cm.
sources :
1972 |
[Capitaliste ou marxiste, l’armée est l’arme suprême de l’État pour asservir la classe ouvrière]
[Capitaliste ou marxiste, l’armée est l’arme suprême de l’État pour asservir la classe ouvrière]. — Paris : FA__ [2] (Fédération anarchiste : 1953-....) : FA__. Groupe Louise-Michel (Paris), . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.) : n. et b. ; x × y cm.
sources :
1980 |
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1983 |
1981 |
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2007
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