Catégories : 1b — Illustration… - 4a — Lieu de l’édition - 4b1 — Nom de l’éditeur (org. éditrice, ...) - 4c1 — date de parution - 4d — Nom de l’imprimeur - Affiches par pays - Lieux d’archivages - Liste des thèmes - Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire - Noms cités (± liste positive) - Presse citée - Symboles - Vie des mouvements

Anarchief (Gent)

 

Anarchief

p/a infotheek,
Sparrestraat 1a
9000 Gent, Belgique

anarchiefⒶymail.com

Voir en ligne : http://www.anarchy.be/anarchief/

Anarchief (Gent)

La numérisation du fonds a eu lieu en 2017.

 

Affichage par année ⇒

229 affiches :

 






    [Modern revolutionary theory]

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    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    Modern revolutionary theory]. — [S.l.] : [s.n.], . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (deux  : rouge , noir , papier gris ) ; 61 × 43 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis  ; France
    • Lieux d’archivages  : Anarchief (Gent)
    • Liste des thèmes  : manifeste  ; situationnisme
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  :
    • Presse citée  : Vroutsch
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ tekst ]

    texte :

    Modern revolutionary theory

    “Our greatest threat comes from no foreign foe but from those at home who seek to impose the power of negative thinking.”
    — Gerald Ford, June 9, 1974

    texts in English available at :
    USA
    * BERKELEY : Shakespeare & Co., 2499 Telegraph Ave. 94704
    *SAN FRANCISCO : Modern Times, 3800 17th St. 94114
    * P.M. Bookstore, 728 Vallejo St. 94133
    CHICAGO : New Space Books, 1509 N. Halsted St., 60622
    CAMBRIDGE : Redbook, 136 River St. 02139
    WASHINGTON, D.C. : Community Bookshop, 2028 P St., N.W. 20036

    CANADA
    EDMONTON : Erewhon Books, P.O. Box 2827, Station A

    ENGLAND
    LONDON : Compendium Bookstore, 240 Camden lligh St., NW1

    HOLLAND
    *WAGENINGEN : Bas Moreel, Nobelweg 108

    FRANCE
    *STRASBOURG : Vroutsch la Marge, 31 rue Louis Lapsgel, 67000

    textes en français sort en vente à :
    PARIS : Kiosque "Cluny", 23 Bd. Saint-Michel 5e
    Librairie La Pochette, 5 rue Mirbel 5e
    Librairie Tschann, 84 Bd. Montparnasse 14e
    GRENOBLE : Poisson Soluble, 30 rue Raoul Blanchard, 38000
    RENNES : Le Monde en Marche, 37 rue Vasselot, 35000
    *STRASBOURG : Vroutsch la Marge, 31 rue Louis Lapsgel, 67000

    * tambien ttenen textos en espanol

    On behindism
    (Shutes)

    "As Oliver Hardy would put it, the behindist is constantly ’overbounding his steps.’ Theory is concealed by its very excess. The totality the behindist wants to confront —precisely because he wants to confront it all at once remains inaccessible. ... Women’s behindism is also a concentrated expression of the feminine role which they are allotted by society and which they allot themselves through their own characterological complicity."

    Theory of misery/misery of theory
    (Denevert)
    (translation : Cooperstein, Hammer & Knabb)

    Also includes the Declaration concerning the group "Center for Research on the Social Question"

    "If the Situationists’ theory still directly interests the revolutionary movement, it is in order to draw the lesson of what it could become. ... Even if a constituted situationist theory had never existed as a possible source of inspiration, the system of commodity consumption implicitly contains its own situationism."

    Double-reflection
    (Knabb)

    • The Theorist as Subject and as Role
    • Behindism, or Theory Colonization
    • Flow to Win Friends and Influence History
    • Affective Detournernent : Alternative to Sublimation
    • Sleepers Awake

    "Whereas the sociologists study man as he is ’normally’- that is. reduced to survival, a sum of roles, a sum of banalities we are going to study him when he acts to suppress all that."

    Reproduction of human capital
    (Cooperstein)
    "The family is the first factory of alienation. Even before a kid learns to talk he learns value_ The infant can not reject love if only he can be made absolutely dependent on it this is the pet syndrome (born of loneliness, children are raised as dogs)...

    Report #1
    (Cronin)

    Critique of pro-situationist "counterfeitisrn"

    "Each new initiate rinds that in order to participate properly he must begin where the last Counterfeit left off. This quantitative progression will, no doubt, lead him to disguise the hundredth repetition of the condensed history of workers councils as a broadcast from a martian bureaucrat."

    Disinterest compounded daily
    (Rosenberg & Shutes)

    Critique of the group "Point Blank"—second printing, with an added critique of the original edition.

    "We remained the ideological pretenders to a non-existent current of agitation, while we gnashed our teeth and proclaimed how seriously we took our de-sires, we spent the last weeks of the quarter doing just what everyone else at the University did : ’jerking off for our professors.’ "

    Skirmishes with an untimely man
    (Cronin & Shutes)
    Critique of the journal "Diversion"

    Now what a mid, of horseshit. ... Horelick is a proletarian cheerleader who pumps up every workers’ action in the desperate hope that an inflated consciousness of what they’ve already done will lead the workers to do more. ... We could hardly expect him to answer ur even pose the more important question : What has the proletariat nor done. why hasn’t it done more ?"

    On the poverty of student life
    (Situationist International)

    Over 400,000 copies printed in 12 languages since its first edition, in 1966, at the expense of the University of Strasbourg

    "The student is a stoical slave : the more chains authority heaps upon him, the freer he is in fantasy. ... He celebrates all the values and mystification of the system, devouring them with all the anxiety of the infant at the breast. ... The student is already a very bad joke."

    Remarks on contradiction and its failure
    (Knabb)
    On the activities and mistakes of the ex-group "Contradiction"

    "The organization of our critique can be seen in retrospect as a continual attempt to unravel what we had ravelled in the first place. In the process we got very entangled ! ... One does not embark on such enterprises with impunity. The incompleted, the unclarified, the unresolved, the falsified accumulate with painful results. The repressed returns."

    Reich : how to use
    (Voyer) (translation : Knabb)

    "While Reich concluded in a very ambiguous manner that character was an obstacle to work, we hold that character is an obstacle to the critique of work. ... Theory knows misery as secretly public. It knows the secret publicity of misery. All hopes are permitted it. Class struggle exists."


    Reich: modo de empleo
    (Voyer)
    (traducción: Carrion)

    "Mientras que Reich llegaba a considerar de una forma muy ambigua que el carácter era un obstáculo para el trabajo, nosotros sostenemos que el carácter es un impedimento a la critica del trabajo.... La teoría conoce la miseria como secretamente publica. Conoce la publicidad secreta de la miseria. Todas las esperanzas le están permitidas, La lucha de clases existe."

    Déclaration à propos du Centre de Recherche sur la Question Sociale
    (Bloch. Charles, Cornuault & Denevert)

    "Le CRQS, complément semi-organisationnel, intentionnellement limité, à nos activités respectives et distinctes de theoriciens révolutionnaires … sera automatiquement dissout quand la realité du mouvement révolutionnaire aura rendu possibles et défini des formes d’association supérieures."

    Théorie de la misère/ misére de la théorie
    (Denevert)

    "Si la theorie des Situationnistes intéresse encore le mouvement révolutionnaire directement, c’est pour tirer la leçon de ce qu’elle a pu devenir. … Le système de la consommation marchande, quand bien même une theorie situationniste constituée n’aurait jamais existée, comme source possible d’inspiration, contient implicitement son propre situationnisme."

    Double-réflexion
    (Knabb) (traduction : Cornuault)

    • Le theoricien comme sujet et comme role
    • Lc derrierisme, ou b colonisation par la theorie
    • Comment se faire des amis et influencer I’histoire
    • Le detournement affectif : alternative à Ia sublimation
    • Dormeurs éveillés

    "Alors que les sociologues étudient I’homme dans son comportement ’normal’ — c’est a dire réduit à la survie, une somme de rôles, de banalités — nous allons étudier l’homme Iorsqu’il agit pour supprimer tout cela."

    Remarques sur le groupe Contradiction et son échec
    (Knabb)
    (traduction : Denevert)

    "L’organisation de notre critique apparait retrospectivement comme une continuelle tentative pour démêler ce que nous avons commencé par emberlificoter. Nous nous sommes vraiment englues dans ce processus ’ … On ne s’embarque pas dans de telles entreprises impunément. Les choses inachevées, les questions non-clarifiées, non-résolues ou falsifiées, s’accumulent avec lour conséquences pénibles. Ce qui est refould finit par ressurgir."

    sources :
     




    [Notice]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    Notice]. — [S.l.] : [s.n.], . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (une  : noir , papier jaune ) ; 64 × 24 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : Anarchief (Gent)
    • Liste des thèmes  : situationnisme
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  : Carrion, Tita  ; Cooperstein, Robert  ; Cronin, Isaac  ; Hammer, Dan  ; Knabb, Ken (1945-....)  ; Rosenberg, Gina  ; Shutes, Chris
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ texte ]

    texte :

    Notice

    Concerning the reigning society and those who contest it

    Berkeley—San Francisco, November 1974

    Considering,
    that "the critique which goes beyond the spectacle must know how to wait" ;

    Considering,
    that spectacular society maintains us in an organized social schizophrenia, offering up utopian or nostalgic fantasies without practical consequences or empiricist engagement In the here-and-now without consciousness of the totality ;
    that this dominant organization of confusion finds its natural expression, and reinforcement, within the very movement that wants to oppose it—in the abstract organizational form that precedes its content or the concrete association that remains unconscious of its form ;

    Considering,
    that the unceasing criticism of the revolutionary milieu, far from being a narrow or "sectarian" matter, is a central tactic, In that that milieu tends to reproduce within itself in concentrated form the principal contradictions and miseries of the dominant society it combats ;
    our contempt for almost all existing radical organizations, which, whether presenting themselves as a leadership to be followed or as an example of an ameliorated style of life to be imitated, give rise to illusions of the possibility of fundamental change without the complete overthrow of all existing conditions, the negation of the commodity economy and of the State ;

    Considering,
    that the next revolution requires that, for the first time in history, the masses of proletarianized individuals develop the practical consciousness of their own struggle, unmediated by leaders or specialists ;
    that a second international assault on class society, beginning diffusedly in the fifties and obtaining its first decisive victory in the open struggles of the late sixties, is already entering a new phase—junking the illusions and reruns of half a century ago and beginning to confront its real problems ;
    that In the United States, after a decade of widespread struggles questioning all aspects of modern society but for the most part from naive or separatist perspectives, it is now the workers themselves who are beginning to struggle autonomously against the reign of separation, against the institution of work and its flip side, alienated leisure consumed in passivity ;
    that while the new class struggle here has not lagged behind that of the other modern industrialized countries, its consciousness of itself has (the fact that the principal texts of the Situationist International are not yet available in the most advanced spectacular society is merely the most glaring expression of this theoretical underdevelopment) ;
    that proletarians must be confronted with the immensity of their tasks—the tasks of a revolution which, this time around, they will have to run themselves ;
    that if we are "difficult to understand" it is not because our language is unnecessarily complex but because the problems of the modern revolutionary movement are necessarily complex ; and that it is the very progress of this struggle toward the moment of the radical simplification of the social question which is beginning to make us less difficult to understand ;

    Considering,
    that a revolutionary organization can in no way be itself an alternative to the dominant society ; that until the masses have created the conditions for the construction of a liberated social life—in seizing and transforming the material technology and over-throwing all authority external to themselves—all positive radical accomplishments tend to be recuperated into the system as real reforms or as spectacular revolution ;
    that the function of revolutionary organization—as of revolutionary theory and practice in general—is fundamentally negative, critical, attacking the obstacles to the realization of the conditions of positive social creativity ;
    that if they are to be realized in practice, theoretical tendencies or differences must be translated into organizational problems ;

    Considering,
    that the practice of theory begins at home ;

    We declare,
    that we do not constitute an ongoing revolutionary organization, formal or informal, even in cases where some of us share or have shared the same mailing addresses ;
    that each of us, in writing a text or in translating a text of another, is speaking to the revolutionary movement in his name only, although the general bases of modern revolutionary theory are recognized by all of us ;
    that if some of us have discussed and even collaborated on certain projects, we have just as often consciously avoided this, one or another among us preferring to make his own mistakes rather than rely on the protection of the good advice of his comrades ;
    that insofar as we do associate among ourselves or with others, we define the manner and delimit the scope of our collaboration ; aiming always at inciting rigor and autonomy among the radical currents, we refuse contact with those with contrary alms or with those with whom the concrete bases for collaboration are lacking ;
    that the decision to pursue our respective activities independently is based on particular considerations and not on any spontaneist antiorganizationism ;
    that these considerations include : desirability for each of us to develop a maximum of theoretico-practical autonomy ; desire to facilitate the development of distinct strategies in fruitful rivalry with each other ; state of the struggle for practical theory in this time and place ;
    that this decision is subject to change when the reality of our own situations or of the revolutionary movement has made possible and defined forms of association more appropriate to the tasks we set ourselves.

    Tita Carrion, Robert Cooperstein, Isaac Cronin, Dan Hammer, Ken Knabb, Gina Rosenberg, Chris Shutes

    So.

    You think you have something in common with us (beyond the misery that everyone shares). . . . You see something of interest in what we say . . things you’ve already thought yourself ... we took the words right out of your mouth. . .

    Don’t bother to let us know about it.

    Leave off sending us your useless praises, your idle opinions, your tedious questions, your pointless requests to meet us. We don’t want to hear about your "agreement" with us unless it bears on some practical matter.

    You think you have something in common with us ? Prove It.

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    [Stem niemand]

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    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    Stem niemand]. — [S.l.] : [s.n.], . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (deux  : noir , jaune , papier blanc ) ; 60 × 42 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : Pays-Bas
    • Lieux d’archivages  : Anarchief (Gent)
    • Liste des thèmes  : délégation de pouvoir (élections)
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  :
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ texte ; dessin : personnage (badge « Niemand als minister president » sur l’habit) avec un long crayon de bois qui goute à la place du nez ]

    texte :

    niemand spreekt de waarheid

    niemand heeft het beste met ons voor

    niemand heeft het vertrouwen van het volk

    stem niemand

    wat er ook uit de stembus komt NIEMAND WINT !

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    [s.d.]
    Affiche liée



    [Stemlokaal]

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    [    Stemlokaal]. — [S.l.] : [s.n.], . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (une  : noir , papier brun ) ; 61 × 43 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  :
    • Lieux d’archivages  : Anarchief (Gent)
    • Liste des thèmes  : délégation de pouvoir (élections)
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  :
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ dessin (personnages clonés rentrants au "Stemlokaal" (bureau de vote) et en ressortant avec du sparadrap sur la bouche) ]

    texte :
     
    sources :
     

    [s.d.]
    [s.d.]
    Affiches liées



    [The Police]

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    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    The Police]. — [S.l.] : Crimethinc, . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.), coul. (quadri ) ; 55 × 36 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : États-Unis
    • Lieux d’archivages  : Anarchief (Gent)
    • Liste des thèmes  : contrôle social  ; police  ; répression
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  : Cohn-Bendit, Daniel (1945-...)
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :
    Symbole(s) utilisé(s) :

    [ texte recto / verso) ; photo (rang de policiers anti-émeute) ]

    texte :

    The Police

    The ones who beat Rodney King, who gunned down Sean Bell and Amadou Diallo and Oscar Grant, who murdered Fred Hampton in his bed. The ones who enforced Apartheid in South Africa and segregation in the United States. The ones who broke Victor Jara’s hands and Steve Biko’s skull, who disappeared dissidents from Argentina to Zaire, who served Josef Stalin. The ones who interrogated Black Panthers and Catholic Workers, who maintained records on 16 million people in East Germany, who track us through surveillance cameras and phone taps. The ones firing tear gas and rubber bullets whenever a demonstration gets out of hand, who back the bosses in every strike. The ones who stand between every hungry person and the grocery shelves stocked with food, between every homeless person and the buildings standing empty, between every immigrant and her family.

    In every nation, in every age, you tell us you’re indispensable, that without you we’d all be killing each other.

    But we know well enough who the killers are.

    You won’t fuck with us much longer.

    Police everywhere, justice nowhere — [logo (cartouche d’arme à feu) :] Crimethinc. — www.crimethinc.org/police

    Seven Myths about the Police

    The police exercise legitimate authority. The average police officer is not a legal expert ; he probably knows his department protocol, but very little about the actual laws. This means his enforcement involves a great deal of bluffing, improvisation, and dishonesty. Police lie on a regular basis : "I just got a report of someone of your description committing a crime around here. Want to show me some ID ?"
    This is not to say we should unthinkingly accept laws as legitimate, either. The entire judicial system protects the privileges of the wealthy and powerful Obeying laws is not necessarily morally right—it may even be immoraL Slavery was legal, aiding escaped slaves illegal. The Nazis came to power in Germany via democratic elections and passed laws through the prescribed channels. We should aspire to the strength of conscience to do what we know is best, regardless of laws and police intimidation.

    [draw] “protecting and serving the fuck out of you”

    The police are ordinary workers just like us ; they should be our allies. Unfortunately, there’s a big gap between "should be" and "are." The role of the police is to serve the interests of the ruling class ; anyone who has not had a bad experience with them is likely privileged, submissive, or both. Today’s police officers know exactly what they’re getting into when they join the force—people in uniform don’t just get cats out of trees. Yes, most take the job because of economic pressure, but needing a paycheck is no excuse for evicting families, harassing young people of color, or pepper-spraying demonstrators. Those whose consciences can be bought are everyone’s potential enemies, not allies.
    This fairy tale is more persuasive when it is couched in strategic terms : for example, "Every revolution succeeds at the moment the armed forces refuse to make war on their fellows ; therefore we should focus on seducing the police to our side." But the police are not just any workers ; they’re the ones who chose to base their livelihoods upon defending the prevailing order, thus the least likely to be sympathetic to those who wish to change it. In this context, it makes more sense to oppose the police as such than to seek solidarity with them. As long as they serve their masters, they cannot be our allies ; by denouncing the institution of police and demoralizing individual officers, we encourage them to seek other livelihoods so we can one day find common cause with them.

    Maybe there are some bad apples, but some police officers are good people. Perhaps some police officers have good intentions, but once again, insofar as they obey orders rather than their consciences, they cannot be trusted.
    There’s something to be said for understanding the systematic nature of institutions, rather than attributing every injustice to the shortcomings of individuals. Remember the story of the man who, tormented by fleas, managed to catch one between his fingers ? He scrutinized it for a long time before placing it back at the spot on his neck where had he caught it. His friends, confounded, inquired why on earth he would do such a thing. That wasn’t the one that was biting me," he explained.

    [draw] “puppets of the ruling class”

    Police can win any confrontation, so we shouldn’t antagonize them. With all their weapons, equipment, and surveillance, the police can seem invincible, but this is an illusion. They are limited by all sorts of invisible constraints—bureaucracy, public opinion, communication breakdowns, an overloaded judicial system. If they don’t have vehicles or facilities available to transport and process a great number of arrestees, for example, they can’t make mass arrests.
    This is why a motley crowd armed only with the tear gas canisters shot at them can hold off a larger, more organized, better-equipped police force ; contests between social unrest and military might don’t play out according to the rules of military engagement. Those who have studied police, who can predict what they are prepared for and what they can and cannot do, can often outsmart and outmaneuver them.
    Such small victories are especially inspiring for those who chafe under the heel of police violence on a daily basis. In the collective unconscious of our society, the police are the ultimate bastion of reality, the force that ensures that things stay the way they are ; taking them on and winning, however temporarily, shows that reality is negotiable.

    [draw] “together we are stronger than them”

    Police are a mere distraction from the real enemy, not worth our wrath or attention. Alas, tyranny is not just a matter of politicians or executives ; they would be powerless without those who do their bidding. When we contest their rule, we’re also contesting the submission that keeps them in power, and sooner or later we’re sure to come up against some of those who submit.
    That being said, it’s true that the police are no more integral to hierarchy than the oppressive dynamics in our own communities ; they are simply the external manifestation, on a larger scale, of the same phenomena. If we are to contest domination everywhere, rather than specializing in combating certain forms of it while leaving others unchallenged, we have to be prepared to confront it both in the streets and in our own bedrooms ; we can’t expect to win on one front without fighting on the other. We shouldn’t fetishize confrontations with uniformed foes, we shouldn’t forget the power imbalances in our own ranks—but neither should we be content merely to manage the details of our own oppression in a non-hierarchical manner.

    We need police to protect us. According to this line of thinking, even if we might aspire to live in a society without police in the distant future, we need them today, for people are not ready to live together peacefully without armed enforcers. As if the social imbalances and fear maintained by police violence are peace ! Those who argue that the police sometimes do good things bear the burden of proving that those same good things could not be accomplished at least as well by other means.
    In any case, it’s not as if a police-free society is suddenly going to appear overnight just because someone spray-paints "Fuck the Police" on a wall. The protracted struggle it will take to free our communities from police repression will probably go on as long as it takes us to learn to coexist peacefully ; a community that can’t sort out its own conflicts can’t expect to triumph against a more powerful occupying force. In the meantime, opposition to police should be seen as a rejection of one of the most egregious sources of oppressive violence, not an assertion that without police there would be none. But if we can ever defeat and disband the police, we will surely be able to defend ourselves against less organized threats.

    [draw (Daniel Cohn-Bendit & French policeman)] “Take some responsibility for yourself you fucking coward !”

    Resisting the police is violent—it makes you no better than them. According to this line of thinking, violence is inherently a form of domination, and thus inconsistent with opposing domination. Those who engage in violence play the same game as their oppressors, thereby losing from the outset.
    This is dangerously simplistic. Is a woman who defends herself against a rapist no better than a rapist ? Were slaves who revolted no better than slave-holders ? There is such a thing as self-defense. In some cases, violence enforces power imbalances ; in other cases, it challenges them. For people who still have faith in an authoritarian system or God, following the rules—whether legal or moral—is the top priority, at whatever cost : they believe they will be rewarded for doing so, regardless of what happens to others as a result. Whether such people call themselves conservatives or pacifists makes little difference in the end. On the other hand, for those of us who take responsibility for ourselves, the most important question is what will serve to make the world a better place. Sometimes this may include violence.
    Police are people too, and deserve the same respect due all living things. The point is not that they deserve to suffer or that we should bring them to justice. The point is that, in purely pragmatic terms, they must not be allowed to brutalize people or impose an unjust social order. Though it can be empowering for those who have spent their lives under the heel of oppression to contemplate finally settling the score with their oppressors, liberation is not a matter of exacting revenge but of rendering it unnecessary. Therefore, while it may sometimes even be necessary to set police on fire, this should not be done out of a spirit of vengeful self-righteousness, but from a place of care and compassion—if not for the police themselves, at least for all who would otherwise suffer at their hands.

    ★

    Delegitimizing the police is not only beneficial for those they target, but also for police officers’ families and police officers themselves. Not only do police officers have disproportionately high rates of domestic violence and child abuse, they’re also more likely to get killed, commit suicide, and struggle with addiction than most sectors of society. Anything that encourages police officers to quit their jobs is in their best interest, as well as the interest of their loved ones and society at large. Let’s create a world in which no one oppresses or is oppressed, in which no one has to live in fear.

    [logo "adjustable wrench" Crimethinc.] Produced and dispersed by the Crimethinc. Ex-Worker’s Collective, an unlikely collection of misfits held together by an insatiable desire for freedom and the means to achieve it.

    Crimethinc. Community Services
    PO Box 13998
    Salem Oregon 97309

    Download a PDF of this poster and many others at crimethinc.com [QR-Code]

    "Find out just what any people will quietly submit to and you have found out the exact measure of injustice and wrong which will be imposed upon them, and these will continue till they are resisted with either words or blows, or both."

    — Frederick Douglass

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    [Werken is misdaad]

    notice :
    Image (fixe ; à 2 dimensions)
    [    Werken is misdaad]. — [S.l.] : [s.n.], . — 1 affiche (impr. photoméc.) : n. et b. ; 60 × 21 cm.
    • Affiches par pays  : Pays-Bas
    • Lieux d’archivages  : Anarchief (Gent)
    • Liste des thèmes  : travail, emploi
    • Géographie, géopolitique et Histoire  :
    • Noms cités (± liste positive)  :
    • Presse citée  :
    • Vie des mouvements  :
    notes :
    descriptif :


    [ texte ; photo (homme masqué debout au milieu d’une rue vide (après une manifestation ?)) ]

    texte :

    Werken is de grootste belediging en vernedering die de mensheid zichzelf heeft aangedaan.

    Werken is de grote verdoemenis. Het werken maakt geestloos en zielloos.

    Wanneer we niet weer werken, zal het leven pas beginnen.

    Werken is misdaad

    Ik beweer niet, dat iemand nu maar morgen bij zijn baas moet weglopen en moet zien, dat hij zonder werken aan de kost komt en dan overtuigd kan zijn dat ie aan het leven toe is. Staat men noodgedwongen op de keien, dan is dit al erg genoeg, het nu niet werken loopt meestal uit op parasiteren op de kameraden, die wel werken. Kan je door - wat fatsoenlijke mensen noemen - roven en stelen aan de kost komen, zonder je door een baas te laten uitbuiten, goed - doe het ; maar geloof dan niet, dat daarmee het grote probleem is opgelost. Het werken is een sociaal kwaad. Deze maatschappij is levensvijandig en alleen door de vernietiging van deze en volgende werkdiergemeenschappen, - d.w.z. door revolutie na revolutie - zal het werken verdwijnen.

    Dan eerst komt het leven - het volle, rijke leven - dan zal ieder door z’n zuivere levensdrift tot scheppen gebracht worden.

    Scheppen is intense levensvreugde, werken is intens levensleed.

    Alle werk is misdadig.

    Het werken is meehelpen aan winst maken en uitbuiten ; meehelpen aan vervalsing, bedrog, vergiftiging ; meehelpen aan oorlogsvoorbereiding ; meehelpen aan de vermoording der gehele mensheid.

    Werken is levensvernietigend.

    Daarom zullen wij bewust iedere kapitalistische onderneming saboteren, iedere baas zal een strop aan ons hebben. Waar wij, opstandige jongeren, werken moeten, moeten grondstoffen, machines en producten onbruikbaar gemaakt worden. Telkens weer zullen de tanden uit de raderen springen, uit messen en beitels de stukken slaan, het nodige gereedschap onvindbaar zijn - recepten en middelen zullen wij elkaar zeggen.

    Wij willen niet door het kapitalisme ten ondergaan, daarom moet het kapitalisme door ons ten ondergaan.

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